Merkel’s migrant policy faces litmus test

It is a sheer coincidence. On September 4, 2015, Germany’s Chancellor Angela Merkel had initiated the open-door refugee policy to let thousands of migrants into the country. Exactly one year later, her Christian Democratic Union (CDU) faces elections in the northeastern state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania — the home state of Merkel — whose results could be a litmus test for a policy that has earned support and criticism in equal measure across the globe.
The eastern state reels under unemployment and is less integrated with the migrants. Although it hosts a small proportion of the newcomers, they see CDU’s funding to support the refugee population as a misplaced priority. The grouse has come in handy for the anti-migrant AfD (Alternative for Germany) party which is cashing in on the local electorate grievance. A recent poll showed AfD leading the CDU by 23% to 20% in Sunday’s elections. Social Democrats — CDU’s coalition partner which runs the rural state — could just help Merkel’s party to scrape through and save it a political blush.
Despite being isolated by EU leaders and grappling with a rift within her party over her refugee policy, Merkel has put up a brave front to defend it. However, after a wave of attacks blamed on migrants, her toughnesss became apparently visible when on September 1, she and Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi called to step up efforts to send migrants with no right to asylum in Europe back to their homelands. “Not everyone can stay,” she pointed out. Germany received 300,000 migrants last year and a major chunk this year too. Housing them in hostels, sports halls and army barracks in cramped conditions has triggered violence and chaos. Merkel had tried to push a binding quota system to share the refugee burden among the EU members. But it failed miserably, with Hungary and Slovakia fighting it and lodging their opposition. The controversial EU-Turkey to stem the influx of migrants has served its purpose till now, but its long-term tenability is also under question.
Germany and EU should get to the root of the migrant problem and make deals with countries where the refugees originate — be it Syria, Iraq, Libya or other North African nations. The growing concern is that since the Balkan route has been closed, more and more refugees will try to enter Europe illegally through perilous paths. This will put more pressure on EU, while mounting the discord among its members. The crisis could exacerbate xenophobic feelings and erode the very foundation on which the cherished Schengen principle stands.
Merkel was right in opening the floodgates for stranded refugees a year back. It was human dignity that she wanted to uphold. But the big challenge now is to sensitize people in Europe about their integration. Merkel’s migration policy lacks solidarity because it has failed to convince the masses that alienating refugees and migrants will breed much serious trouble than the problem of accommodating them. The burden-sharing of refugees is vital and the EU can strike a middle path only when it puts aside its internal mistrust.
After the polls in Germany’s eastern state on Sunday, Berlin will vote on September 18. If Merkel’s party is dealt a blow, it is her immigration policy that would be the biggest casualty. And the confusion will compound!